THE AFTERMATH OF BRIXTON
Nick Griffin examines the racial and social crisis that Britain faces following the recent Black riots
THE BRIXTON RIOTS and the shocked public reaction to them showed that the nightmare combination of multi-racialism and economic collapse is beginning to disturb the sleep of the British public. But an awakening is still a long way off. Many more cities will burn, many more people will lose everything, some will lose their lives, before our people overcome the drugs of materialism, liberalism and 'respectability' and scream themselves awake.
Brixton was just the beginning.
With one of the highest Black populations in the country, Brixton was bound to be one of the first areas where the frustration and natural tendencies to violence of rootless young Blacks would create an explosion. That it came when it did was the result of several factors.
Only days before, the police had received a massive defeat at the hands of the Black march from Deptford, which smashed its way through police cordons and poured into the heart of Britain's capital city. Under Home Office orders not to interfere, the police stood and watched as the marchers mugged and looted.
This strengthened the belief that the police are cowards and bullies. While they are ready and willing to beat up and abuse individual Blacks (just as they do YNF members), when faced by less favourable odds they do not seem so sure of themselves.
Once the ghetto realised its power, the ghetto would use that power again. By failing to act firmly, the police made something like Brixton inevitable.
The ghetto's chance to test the weakness of White society came when the local police decided to clamp down on the Brixton muggers who make it unsafe for pensioners and White girls to go out at night. The operation was a partial success, with over 150 arrests in four days and a substantial drop in the crime rate.
Yet the awful dilemma facing the authorities has become very clear. If the muggers are left alone, the crime rate soars, but if steps are taken to stop them, riots are bound to follow. This problem will get even worse as the Blacks realise that a 'good riot' brings not tougher treatment, but amnesties and millions of pounds of government aid.
WORSE TO COME
Similar circumstances will provoke similar explosions. The continued rise in unemployment, which is hitting young Immigrants almost as badly as it is young Whites, will also make things worse. Unemployment increases the alienation and boredom which encourage violence. It also gives credence to the arguments of the Marxist fanatics who see Immigrant youth as the shock troops of their revolution.
In spite of the suggestions in the Tory press that the Brixton riots were 'directed and organised' by Left-wing extremists, there is no doubt that the violence was spontaneous and Black. The Tories would like to believe otherwise because they are still unwilling to admit that their policy of mass immigration has created an uncontrollable monster.
The pattern in future will, however, change. There have already been instances where Black mobs have been mobilised under Red leadership to attack the National Front. The Southall riot and the recent march against the Nationality Bill by 10,000 Asians, many of them Marxists, showed that Asian youth is being rapidly politicised. Dozens of young Whites in East London have already learned what that means in terms of beatings and stabbings.
Similarly, the march by 10,000 West Indians from New Cross was quite clearly a Black Power march. Its organiser, Darcus Howe, is a self-confessed Marxist who sees his fellow Blacks as "the advanced section of the proletariat" which will force Communism on the British people.
Alienated Black Youth: Red Cannon Fodder
The revolutionary potential of the Immigrant communities is increased by their position near the centres of our major cities. The Brixton riot cut off a number of the main routes into London. If riot areas such as Lewisham, Hackney, Finsbury Park, Notting Hill and Southall went up in flames at the same time, central Government would be cut off from the rest of the country. Even if the Reds were not able to control these riots, they would certainly be able to take advantage of such a classic revolutionary situation.
BRIXTON AND THE N.F.
So much for the significance of Brixton for the Establishment and the Marxists. But how does it affect the National Front?
The sheer scale of the latest wave of riots has confirmed our prediction that the multiracial experiment has failed and is doomed to collapse completely.
The initial response has of course been a rise in public sympathy for the NF and its views. Some of the more naive 'Nationalists' on the political scene immediately concluded that this would lead to higher votes in elections which would herald the return of the steady increase in our vote which they believe will bring us to power.
This view, as has been said, is naive in the extreme. It is true that our ultimate hope of achieving power through the ballot box can only be realised once the hardcore of support which the NF is now building up is boosted by the votes of the 'respectable' middle-class electorate. That vote will, however, only be given to the NF as a last resort. It will be the result of panic at the growing power of the Red/Black Axis. It will come when political polarisation through economic and racial crisis has left a straight choice between extremes.
The riots of this spring came as a nasty shock to these 'respectable' sections of the electorate and have strengthened their most deep-rooted fears of the Black Invaders. But the situation is not bad enough yet to force them into the NF camp in significant numbers.
NOTHING TO LOSE
That said, not everyone in Britain is 'respectable' with a well-paid job and mortgaged house to lose. There are hundreds of thousands of young working class Whites who are unemployed, unable to get a home and with no chance of things improving. They have nothing to lose.
These are the people who suffer most from Black competition for jobs and houses. These are the people who feel most resentment at the Government's frantic attempts to buy off the Immigrant mobs with money, amnesties and light sentences. These are the people who are waiting for the call to the Nationalist struggle.
The growing support for the National Front among working class youth is already worrying the Establishment. This is the reason for the growing harassment of NF paper-sellers, especially at football grounds. A police spokesman at Chelsea recently admitted that "we have Home Office orders never to let the NF sell here again."
These problems can be overcome by political guerilla tactics and by a policy of non-cooperation. This, of course, calls for a tighter and more disciplined organisation than the NF has previously been used to. Thus the current wave of police pressure will in fact strengthen the Party.
When this mild police pressure fails to have the required result, however, even worse will follow. Incidents to date have included SPG thugs dragging young girls along the ground by their hair after arresting them for selling badges. One member has even been stabbed by a uniformed police officer. But compared with what we will face in the future, we have indeed "seen nothing yet".
Increased violence will also come from the Left. A Communist was recently convicted of trying to drug an NF guard and planning to finish him off with acid before ransacking the Party files. In spite of his involvement in a criminal conspiracy to commit a number of very serious offences, he received only a six month suspended sentence. The judge went so far as to tell him that he "sympathised" with his opposition to the NF. Such an outcome to a serious criminal trial at the Old Bailey will be seen by the Left as a green light for acts of naked terrorism against our members.
Fortunately, the last few years of intimidation and violence from ANAL, combined with the departure of a number of Tory splinter groups, has left the National Front far better prepared to cope with such attacks. Above all, we are now gaining the vast majority of our recruits from a section of the population which is not so afraid of violence ― the White working class youth.
A number of reactionaries now outside the Party have said that "skinheads, punks and young hooligans are bad for the NF's image." But it is an inescapable fact that our opponents are becoming increasingly violent. If our Party is to continue to function, we must be able to defend our meetings and activists. That means that we must recruit members who are prepared to stand up to violence and fight back.
If such a blunt statement of fact has the effect of "scaring people off", so much the better. The NF must never again be diluted by populists and pro-Establishment wafflers. The future of British Nationalism lies not with refugees from the Tory party, but with the deprived young Whites of our inner cities. These people do not want to hear a naive bourgeois defence of the police and the Establishment. Revolutions are not 'respectable' and are not made by people in collars and ties.
And the National Front is a revolutionary force. Its aim is to link the desire of our supporters for radical social and economic change to their natural feelings of racialism and patriotism. By doing that, we will be assured of the loyal and dedicated following-which will be needed in the difficult years to come.
The Brixton riots have shown that Britain is entering a new and violent era. In such times, political power is not won by the weak. It is a simple fact of nature that those who do not defend themselves do not survive. And the National Front is not just out to survive; it is the instrument of White Revolution in Britain.