Roots of Radicalism












Joe Pearce











First published in 1984


1. FREEDOM: Reality or Illusion?

As I go about this island of indifference, and hear people say 'This is a free country ennit?' and other things they have heard in their youth, I think how like they are to a man who might strain at the bars of his prison cell and cry 'Look how free I am!' ”

These words, written by Douglas Reed back in 1940, were very appropriate to the situation in Britain at the time they were written, but they are even more appropriate to the situation in Britain today. In fact, they almost seem prophetic in hindsight, coming as they do at a time when we see the erosion of freedom taking place at a faster rate perhaps than at any time in the past.

Douglas Reed saw back in 1940 what we can see only too clearly today. He saw through the lie that Britain is a free country and. he perceived that the few remaining freedoms were fast disappearing.

Today, more forty years after Reed's words were written, even those few remaining freedoms have disappeared. Britain has become a multi-racial capitalist tyranny where all dissident elements are ruthlessly suppressed by means of laws such as the Race Relations Act and the Public Order Act. These laws can't be challenged by ordinary working folk because access to the Court of Appeal is only within reach of the very rich.

On the streets there is growing evidence that Britain is creeping towards a police state, 'Special Patrol Groups' and 'Instant Response Units' have been established to counter the growing wave of immigrant violence in the Black ghettoes of Britain's inner-cities. These paramilitary police units differ dramatically from the traditional 'bobby-on-the-beat' image of the British police force and, although they may have been established initially to control immigrant mobs, their future use is bound to include the carrying out of repressive acts against dissenting and non-conforming British workers. On top of this, the new Police Bill will give the police even greater power than they have already.

Yet these police units are still unable, or unwilling, to control the growing levels of immigrant crime. In fact, the crime rate in the multi-racial areas of Britain has now become so high that many ordinary British people are scared to venture outside their front doors for fear of being mugged or raped. In the so-called free society in which we live today, many people aren't even free to walk the streets at night. They are not even free to live a life of peace and harmony amongst their own people in their own country.

The truth is that the British people are less free in real terms today then they have ever been before. And this brings us back to Douglas Reed's quote, because at the time those words were written the British people were fighting a war for the express purpose, so they were told, of preserving their freedom.

They were supposedly fighting to keep Britain free from foreign invaders, Yet, within three years of the war ending, the British Government had passed the Nationality Act which allowed millions of coloured immigrants to 'invade' Britain. They had fought to free themselves from would-be White invaders only to have their country taken over by Black invaders instead!

In truth, the British people fought the last war to remain enslaved to the same usurious system which had thrown millions of them out of work in the preceding years. They were fighting to preserve an economic system which put all industrial ownership and power into the hands of the few and which left them completely dispossessed of the power to control their own economic destinies. They were fighting for more unemployment and more wage-slavery.

In reality, therefore, the British people were only fighting to perpetuate their enslavement to the capitalist system. Tne only real winners of the Second World War, the only people who actually profited by the slaughter of millions between the years 1939 and 1945, were the controllers of international finance, the bosses of international Big Business and the leaders of international Zionism.

In the years since the end of the Second World War, these people have tightened their grip on the world economy to such an extent that they are now in a position where they can completely control our lives. These people are now the masters of the world, with everybody else being relegated to a position of slavery. We have become the slaves of international capitalism.

So how can the ordinary workers break the chains of their enslavement and find the true freedom which has so consistently eluded them in the past?

This booklet is intended to show the way towards freedom in all aspects of life. The freedom to live among your own people, your own kith and kin; the freedom to dispose of your hard-earned income how and when you choose without the burdens of excessive taxation; the freedom to enjoy real control over your future job prospects, instead of being at the mercy of large-scale employers who can throw you onto the economic scrap-heap whenever they like; the freedom to enjoy a full and contented life without the hopeless emptiness which is the result of life in the sprawling capitalist conurbations; and finally, the freedom of individual nations to determine their own destiny without the interference and dictates of any supranational bodies such as the Common Market, the United Nations, the multi-national corporations or international financial concerns like the International Monetary Fund.

Sooner or later the British people will have to make the choice as to whether they want to live in the present sham of a 'democracy', with all the phoney freedoms which go with it, or whether they want the real freedom which can only come through a National Revolution. The choice before the British people is a simple one; either they must accept enslavement, or they must fight for freedom.






Social consciousness and racial consciousness are the two sentiments which are absolutely essential to the ideological outlook of a Racial Nationalist. Social consciousness is discussed at length in the later chapters of this book while racial consciousness is discussed briefly in this chapter. It is not my intention to dwell on the subject at any great length because racial purity is something which can, literally, be seen in black and white. Either one accepts that racial purity is something which is not only desirable but essential, or else one doesn't. There is no murky grey area in the middle.

It is the very strong conviction of this writer that racial preservation is absolutely essential and of primary importance. In fact, it would be a pointless exercise to create all the other freedoms mentioned later in this book unless racial freedom is created first of all. That being said, I will not write page upon page on the subject of racial freedom but will only offer a broad outline of the basic principles involved.

The racial consciousness which forms an indispensible part of the Nationalist world view is based upon a belief in the integrity and individuality of different peoples and races. It is a belief that peoples and races should feel intensely proud of their unique cultural heritage. And it is a belief which recognises the indisputable inherited differences which exist between the races of man.

The scientific study of racial differences is of importance because it confirms the genetic, and therefore hereditary, differences which exist between individual races. Much work has been done on this subject by eminent physical anthropologists. These people are the real experts and specialists in the field of genetically inherited differences and their studies have confirmed the profound differences which do exist between races. It is not my intention to collate the results of these studies here, but it is nevertheless worth emphasising that very marked differences still exist even when all environmental factors have been eliminated. In other words, racial differences are genetically inherited and are not the product of environmental influences. (A short bibliography is given at the end of this chapter for those who wish to study this subject in greater depth).

It should be stated right from the start that the fight for racial freedom does not necessitate a belief in the intellectual or physical superiority of one race over another. As the facts would have it, there is overwhelming evidence to show that the caucasoid race is intellectually superior to the negroid race. However, those people who seek to make this intellectual superiority the basis for their racialism are building their racial outlook on false foundations.

The true Nationalist would oppose miscegenation even if all the races were intellectually equal. For instance, there is little if any evidence to indicate the intellectual superiority of the caucasoid race over the mongoloid race, but this does not mean that we would welcome miscegenation between the Japanese and the Europeans! On the contrary, we would vigorously oppose miscegenation between races regardless of any differences which may or may not exist between them.

The racial outlook of the true Nationalist is based upon the inalienable right of all races to preserve their racial and cultural identity. Every race should take pride in its individual and unique cultural, spiritual and historical roots. And every race must be free to determine its own cultural destiny without the interference of other races. For this reason, Nationalists vehemently oppose multi-racialism which degrades the cultural and spiritual integrity of all races.

Within a multi-racial society the unique character of each race is progressively destroyed and becomes submerged within the cultural hotch-potch which is created by such societies. This can be seen in the multi-racial areas of Britain's cities today, where large sections of the population have lost any sense of racial identity; of who they are, where they come from or where they are going. This aimlessness and soullessness which is the product of life in a multi-racial society signals the death of the host culture within which multi-racialism festers. This fact is borne out by the historical precedents in ancient Greece and Rome, both of which declined following the infusion of alien blood.

It can be seen then, that multi-racialism threatens the very fabric of our nationhood and our civilisation. It gravely imperils our very racial survival. For this reason, one of the top priorities of a Nationalist government must be the immediate phased repatriation of all non-Whites and the subsequent re-establishment of a mono-racial society. This can be done without any feelings of guilt on the part of the British people because they were never asked whether they wanted their country flooded by millions of coloured immigrants in the first place. In actual fact, the British worker has been opposed to immigration right from the start. He saw quite correctly that the coloured immigrants were brought into his country to undercut his wages and to maximise the profits of the capitalist bosses. He now also witnesses the sight of foreigners with decent jobs and decent houses while he is unemployed and living in sub-standard accomodation. And neither is his conscience troubled by any supposed exploitation of the coloured races during the days of British colonialism and the British Empire. He knows that any exploitation was carried out by, and for the benefit of, Big Business. He knows also that these very same barons of Big Business were responsible for the exploitation of his own ancestors during the 19th Century, in the factories and down the mines. So the British worker can justifiably demand the right to live in a racially homogeneous society free from all alien influence, without the guilt complex that has crippled the old ruling class.

Once all non-Whites have been returned to their lands of ethnic origin, and once a mono-racial society is re-established, the British worker will be able to fight for all the other freedoms which he is presently denied.



I.Q. And Racial Differences by Prof. Henry Garrett.

Biology Of The Race Problem by Prof. Wesley George.

Race And Politics by H.B. Isherwood.

Race And Nationhood by H.B. Isherwood.

Man's Racial Nature by H.B. Isherwood.

The Place Of Prejudice In Modem Civilisation by Sir Arthur Keith.

Race And Modern Science (A collection of essays by biologists, anthropologists, sociologists and psychologists).

The Importance Of Race In Civilisation by Wayne MacLeod.

Race by Prof. John R. Baker.

Race and Civilisation by Roger Pearson.

The Dispossessed Majority by Wilmot Robertson.

The Testing Of Negro Intelligence by Prof. Audrey Shuey.

Racial Realities In Europe by Lothrop Stoddard.

Race Differences - 20 Years Later by Dr. Frank C. J. McGurk.

Heredity And Environment by Prof. Robert C. Nichols.

Race, Intelligence & Education: A Reply to the National Union of Teachers by the Nationalist Teachers Research Group.





One of the most fundamental of all liberties is the freedom to earn a reasonable income and be able to dispose of that income as and how one wishes. That freedom has been considerably impaired by the ever-present evils of inflation/deflation, unemployment and excessive taxation.

Today, unemployment has deprived many British workers of the freedom to earn a decent living, while inflation and taxation are constantly eating away at everybody's earnings. Yet a capitalist economy is afflicted by all of these economic pestilences.

Everyone agrees that unemployment, inflation and high taxes are unpleasant evils, but what is being done to eradicate them?

The Establishment Parties are self-evidently incapable of solving any of these evils. Their track records speak for themselves, but it is worth looking at the approach of both the Tory Party and the Labour Party if only to expose the reasons for their ineffectiveness.

The Tories try to keep the inflation rate down by starving the economy, social services and industry of much needed credit. This leads to economic stagnation and unemployment. On the other hand, the Labour Party tries to keep down unemployment by flooding the economy with 'confetti' money. This paper money is not backed by real wealth in the form of available goods and services and, as such, leads to the general devaluation of the nation's currency i.e. inflation.

In other words, the Tories try to tackle the problem of inflation by causing unemployment, while the Labour Party tries to keep unemployment down by causing inflation. We are told that we can't have the best of both worlds; we must either suffer unemployment or inflation. One way or the other, whether we are made redundant or whether the pounds in our pockets are constantly devalued, the ordinary British worker can't win! This situation would be bad enough in itself – neither unemployment nor inflation should be tolerated – but we have also been experiencing both together. The economy has frequently been afflicted by what is known as stagflation – both high unemployment and inflation side by side!

The other economic evil which is responsible for impairing the financial freedom of the British worker is the levying of excessively high taxes. All of the Establishment Parties have made taxation an election issue but none of them reduce taxes to any noticeable degree once they are elected. The issue of taxation is merely used as a cynical ploy to dupe the electorate into voting the Establishment Parties back into office. Once elected, taxes are not reduced and all claims to the contrary can be seen to be fraudulent.

The Labour Party levies taxes directly in the form of income tax, capital gains tax etc. The Tories, on the other hand, reduce direct taxation marginally, but they tax people indirectly instead, in the form of V.A.T. for instance. So the only choice the British worker is given by the Establishment is the choice between being taxed directly or indirectly; either way he is forced to bear the burden of excessive taxation. It's a case of heads they win, tails we lose!



So the economy is afflicted by inflation, unemployment and crippling taxation which are all the symptoms of the disease known as capitalism. These are stripping the populace of their birthright to be able to dispose of their incomes as they wish. In short, the British worker has lost his financial freedom.

But there is a way whereby inflation and unemployment can both be eradicated completely. And there is a way whereby taxation can be reduced to a miniscule fraction of what it is at present.

In order to do this the chains of capitalism will have to be cast off and a radically new economic system will have to be adopted. The financial aspects of this new system will be discussed later in this chapter, while the industrial and social aspects will be discussed in Chapters Four and Five. First, however, before any alternative system is discussed, it is necessary to comprehend fully the root causes of the capitalist disease. Ultimately, the cause of high unemployment, rampant inflation and an intolerable tax burden is the usurious system of loan finance. The loss of financial freedom can be blamed on this system, which leads to the growth of national debt. It is this enormous national debt and the need to pay vast sums in interest to national and international financial institutions which is crippling the British economy. In fact, the national debt is now so great that the Government cannot even pay off the compound interest on the debt, let alone the debt itself!

It is totally unacceptable and extremely dangerous for our whole economy to be indebted in this way to enormously powerful financiers. The national debt obviously poses a serious threat to economic independence and national sovereignty. But it becomes even more unacceptable and plainly, immoral when it is realised that these 'debts' were fraudulently created out of nothing in the first place by a mere entry on a bank ledger.

'Loans' from financial institutions are nothing more than worthless pieces of paper not backed up by any actually existing wealth. Yet these 'loans' have to be paid back – plus interest – with real wealth produced by the sweat and toil of the British worker. So the British people are working to pay back a 'debt' which was fraudulently created out of nothing in the first place.

Only when the economy is freed from the burdens imposed by this debt-finance system will all the evils of unemployment, inflation, crippling taxation, the levying of excessive local rates and the decay of public services be eliminated.

All outstanding 'debts' which are supposedly 'owed' to national and international financial institutions must be scrapped. They were created immorally by the mere juggling of figures on a bank ledger and, as such, only exist on paper. The only 'money' which is worth anything at all is money backed by real wealth, and real wealth is produced by the nation's workforce – not by cosmopolitan bankers creating artificial paper credit by the stroke of a pen.

Banks are nothing more than pimps on the national economy. The workers go out and produce the wealth, then hand it over meekly to the banks. So the banks are receiving vast sums in the form of unearned income. This must stop immediately; no more money must be given to parasitic bankers and all banks must come under state control. Their right to issue credit must be returned to the national government.

Under the new system all wealth must be produced to benefit those who produce it, i.e. the workers themselves.

Once the burden of national and municipal debt has been removed, the various problems afflicting the economy will either be completely eliminated or, at the very least, they will be greatly alleviated.

On a national level taxes could be slashed dramatically because much of the revenue currently being raised from taxes is being used to service 'debts'. On a local level rates could be cut because much of the revenue collected from rates is used to service the municipal 'debt'.

As well as reducing taxation dramatically, much more money will become available to improve services and create jobs. Also, one of the primary causes of inflation will have been removed because industry will not have to transfer the cost of paying back 'debts' onto the price of their products.

So, once the parasitic debt-finance system is abolished, there will be far less unemployment, far lower taxes and a far lower rate of inflation.



After the banks have been stripped of their power to create credit, a new system of finance will be needed to ensure that the economy prospers without the burden of excessive 'debt' aggravated by compound interest.

First of all, it should be pointed out that a healthy economy doesn't need financing, it only needs regulation. All that is needed is the regulation of credit flow in relation to economic growth or contraction because the economy itself is largely self-financing. And there is a way of regulating the flow of credit needed by the economy in such a way that inflation will cease to exist all together and where taxation will be miniscule by today's standards.

One of the most fundamental of all economic fads is that inflation is caused by too much money chasing too few goods and services. On the other hand, too little money chasing too many goods and services – i.e. deflation – causes economic stagnation and unemployment. Therefore, to avoid the evils of inflation and deflation, the amount of money in circulation must be approximately equal to the quantity of goods and services available. This brings us back to the earlier statement that the only money in circulation which is conducive to a healthy economy is that which is backed by actually existing, or immediately anticipated, wealth.

This formula for a prosperous economy and for the eradication of inflation is very simple. But it is impossible to carry out under the present debt-finance system because, under the present system real wealth is being constantly sucked out of the economy as payments to the parasitic banks,

So the amount of credit in the economy must be equal to real wealth in the form of goods, services and immediate prospects for economic growth. This credit will be issued, not in the form of an interest-bearing debt, but in the form of grants and interest-free loans to industry, and in the form of a National Dividend payment to all adult members of the population. This, however, can only be done as and when the economy is expanding – not when it is contracting.

If the economy is contracting it does not necessarily indicate economic stagnation. Capitalist economic doctrine dictates that the economy must be perpetually expanding and economic growth has become a sacred cow. But all that the economy needs to, do is sustain the standard of life of the population; if it does that it is in good health, if it doesn't it is in poor health. This is the case regardless of whether the gross national product is expanding or contracting.

So it follows that when the economy contracts, credit will have to be withdrawn from circulation to maintain the equilibrium between the amount of money in circulation and the real wealth produced. Such credit will be withdrawn through taxation.



The result of this new financial system will be an economy completely free of inflation. It won't be a question of keeping inflation in single figures, there will simply not be any inflation at all. It is a product of the capitalist system, with its belief that gold and paper money are more important than people, farms and factories. Once that system is abolished so inflation will be abolished with it.

Another result of the new financial system will be an economy relatively free of taxation. Taxes will only amount to a small fraction of what they are under the debt-finance system and even then they will only be used to regulate the economy for the good of all and to maintain national security and social services as and when this is necessary. No more taxes will be levied, as they are at present, in order to service compound interest payments on 'debts' to national and international usurers.

The unemployment rate would also be slashed in the short term. The adoption of the new system and the scrapping of the debt-finance system will free the economy of the tremendous debt burden and, as a result, industry would enjoy new prosperity. However, the longer term solution to unemployment is far more complex and will be discussed more fully in the next two chapters.

As explained at the beginning of this chapter, the British worker is financially enslaved to the capitalist system. The shackles of inflation, unemployment and taxation have stripped him of his birthright to dispose of his hard-earned income as and how he wishes. Under the new system he will gain the financial freedom to which he is entitled; he will once more be free to enjoy all the products of his own labour.



In Capitalist Britain the British worker is dispossessed of his economic freedom because he has been deprived of any ownership or control over the means of production. The workers of Britain produce the nation's wealth but they don't own or control the means by which that wealth is produced. They have no ownership or control over land, capital or even their own labour. The workers have become the wage-slaves of the capitalists who control industry.

Today, the British worker's future, his employment, his income, his ultimate well-being and that of his family are completely beyond his control. His future lies in the hands of the barons of capitalism.

At the present time the British worker's only recourse and defence comes from his ability to take industrial action through the Trade Union movement. This, however, is very limited in its effectiveness. The industrial bosses still ultimately control whether or not to make the workers redundant. And, ultimately, it is the industrial bosses who decide what rises, if any, are to be awarded.

Besides, the present recourse of industrial action is economically harmful to all concerned. It leads to constant friction and frequent conflict between the workers and the management of industry. These ultimately must co-operate if industry is to be successful.

So, at present, the workers have little if any real control over their economic destinies. They have no say over their future income and their future employment prospects. They are completely at the mercy of super-powerful industrialists. The only defence they have at the moment – the Trade Union movement – can do next to nothing to gain for the workers their right to have real control over their economic destinies.

This chapter will endeavour to illustrate how the workers could gain their industrial freedom. First, however, it will help to look more closely at the way in which they have been progressively dispossessed of their economic liberty over the last few hundred years.



The real enslavement of the workers began during the 18th Century with the advent of the Industrial Revolution.

Prior to the Industrial Revolution the workers were far from free to completely control their economic destinies, but it would be fair to state that they enjoyed more freedom in the real sense under feudalism than they were to enjoy following the coming of the machine and the consequent growth in manufacturing industry.

With the dawning of the industrial age there was a mass exodus from the rural areas of workers seeking employment in the new factories and a corresponding growth in the populations of towns and cities. The available supply of workers seeking employment in these towns soon outstripped by far the demand for labour. This left the workers open to the exploitation of unscrupulous employers. As a result of this, the workers were forced to work intolerably long hours in appalling conditions for a pittance of a wage. They became thoroughly proletarianised; the wage-slaves of their industrial masters.

Although conditions of work have improved due to labour organisation, the workers today still have no more control or ownership of industry than their ancestors did 150 years ago. They are still wage-slaves. The slaves may be better treated today, but they are still slaves nonetheless.

This state of affairs, the workers being used merely as the tools with which the super-rich industrialists make their exorbitant profits, has continued unabated ever since. In fact, the situation, if anything, has worsened due to the natural monopolising tendencies of capitalism. Today, industrial capitalists are far more powerful than they were in the early days. Fewer and fewer bosses control larger and larger industrial concerns. The small and medium-sized businessmen are being forced out of business by the larger concerns, while industrial mergers are leading to the establishment of enormous conglomerates.

The net result of all this is that the super-capitalists at the top of industry become progressively more powerful while the ordinary British worker remains dispossessed of his birthright of being able to have control over the wealth his labour produces.

This loss of industrial freedom, the rise of the super-Capitalists, in turn threatens our racial and national freedom. For the Capitalist system forces the Capitalists themselves to give up their own freedom, to put the interests of the profitability and 'competitiveness' of their financial fiefdoms above all other interests, even those of their nation and race. Any Capitalist who lets patriotic scruples stand in the way of economic expediency will simply be driven to the wall by his less scrupulous, more 'businesslike' competitors.

Thus big national corporations will be impelled by economies of scale, marketing and raw materials considerations to merge into multinational financial empires, owing no loyalty to any of the nations in which their tentacles lie. Ultimately, they will be driven to attempt to eliminate independent nations altogether as obstacles to the free movement of capital, goods and labour; to promote internationalism at the expense of patriotism.

Similarly, in the interests of profitability multinational Capitalists will be impelled to take advantage of cheap Coloured labour, willing to work long hours in poor conditions for low pay. Since it is cheaper to move people than plant they will – as they have – encourage the immigration of that Coloured labour to their existing industrial bases in White countries. That's why the Capitalists brought Turks to Germany, Mexicans to the USA and West Indians and Asians to Britain.

So Coloured Immigration is a direct and inevitable result of the existing Capitalist system of industrial ownership. Our racial freedom can, therefore, never be safe until the present Capitalist system is ended. The destruction of Capitalism is crucial not merely to the creation of a better society but to the very survival of the White Race itself.

Then what can be done to end the present immoral and racially suicidal system whereby a few own and control the means of producing the nation's wealth? And how can the British worker gain control of that which is rightfully his; the wealth he produces?



The two fundamental premises upon which industrial ownership in a Nationalist society should be based are, first: that ownership should be vested solely in the hands of British people and, second: that it should be vested in as many of the British people as possible.

As already explained, this is not the case at the moment. Much of British industry is in the hands of un-British and even anti-British interests, e.g. many industries are owned by racial aliens and many more are owned by multi-national corporations who, as we have seen, inevitably work against the best interests of the British people. And far from being vested in many people, the natural monopolising tendencies of capitalism have led to the ownership of industry falling into fewer and fewer hands.

A revolutionary re-structuring of British industry is required so that ownership is enjoyed by as many members of the British Nation as possible. In order to achieve this, industry must be divided into three different forms of ownership:

a) small privately owned enterprises,

b) workers' co-operatives and

c) state-owned or municipally-owned concerns.

However, before discussing how this restructuring of industry is to be achieved, it is necessary to diverge slightly in order to draw the very important distinction between "private enterprise" and "free enterprise".



Nationalists believe that private enterprise has an important role to play in any future economy; but at the same time – if the real freedom of the majority is to be protected – so-called "free" enterprise must be rigorously opposed.

This statement may, at first, sound contradictory. The terms "private enterprise" and "free enterprise" are used synonymously and many people have been misied into believing that they mean one and the. same thing. On closer inspection though, it will be seen that "free" enterprise is at the root of many of the problems afflicting British industry today, and that "free" enterprise has actually been responsible for the stifling of genuine private enterprise.

Private enterprise is the healthy industriousness of small businessmen who use their personal initiative and abilities to make themselves a reasonable living. As such, private enterprise is not only conducive to individual freedom but is also a healthy part of British industry.

"Free" enterprise, on the other hand, is the system which we see manifesting itself in the economy today; a system where the big fish of industry have complete freedom to swallow as many of the small fish as they wish. "Free" enterprise gives large enter­prises carte blanche in their dealings with their smaller rivals. And many small businesses have been put out of business as a direct result of this.

"Free" enterprise also allows British based multi-national companies to invest vast sums of money overseas, instead of reinvesting their wealth into British industry. The wealth of these companies was produced by the use of British resources and the labour of British workers but, because of the system of "free" enterprise, this wealth can be used by the bosses of Big Business to finance 'rival' companies in other countries.

So not only do the British workers never see the wealth which their hard work and effort produces, but this wealth is often used to finance foreign industries which are competing against them!

In reality, therefore, the only freedom which the system of "free" enterprise protects is the freedom of super powerful capitalists to wax fat on the misery of the rest of the population. Once this fact is established, it will become the duty of a Nationalist Government to smash the "free" enterprise system while at the same time protecting and nurturing small businesses.



The first step towards the restructuring of British industry will be the confiscation of all sections of industry and commerce which are currently in the hands of Big Business in general and multinational corporations in particular. This is in keeping with the first principle of industrial ownership in a Nationalist society, i.e. that ownership should be vested solely in the hands of British people, and it is conducive to the protection of small businessmen because it will protect them from the various forms of unfair competition practised by these super-powerful concerns. It is also in keeping with the second principle, i.e. that ownership should be vested in as many people as possible, because it will break up the present concentration of ownership in the hands of a few. Once this concentration of ownership has been broken up it will be possible to transfer ownership to the ordinary British people. This will be done by dividing industry into the three different forms of ownership mentioned earlier: a) small privately owned enterprises, b) workers' co-operatives and c) state-owned or municipally-owned concerns.


a) Small Privately Owned Enterprises.

The attitude of Nationalism towards industry can be summed up in the phrase "small is beautiful" and this applies particularly towards privately owned enterprises.

It has already been stated that private enterprise will play an important part in the new industrial order but all privately owned concerns will have to remain small in size.

This restriction on the size of private concerns is necessary in order to protect the freedom of everybody. If restrictions are not imposed the natural monopolising tendencies of capitalism will continue unhindered, mergers and takeovers will once more afflict the economy and before long the industrial wealth of the Nation will again be in the hands of super-rich Capitalists.

The ideal limit on the maximum size of privately owned enterprises should be fixed so that the owners of such enterprises are wealthy enough to satisfy all their material desires but are not so wealthy that they become immensely powerful and consequently a threat to National Sovereignty and racial survival.

Once this strict limitation on the size of concerns is maintained the small fishes of private enterprise can flourish without the fear that any of their number will grow big enough to swallow the rest.

So, once it is established that small private concerns will have an important role to play in the new industrial order, it may be useful to look at one practical example of how the ownership of one particular section of the economy – the retail trade – could be transferred from the hands of Big Business into the hands of small businessmen.

At present, the retail trade is largely in the hands of super-powerful capitalists who own the national network of chain-stores. These chain-stores have persistently been able to undercut the small shopkeeper, forcing many corner shops to close. Under the new industrial order the retail side of these chain-store empires, i.e. the shops themselves, will depending on circumstances, either be handed over to individual small shopkeepers or else, following nationalisation, they will be sold off to them at a low price by the Government.

So each individual shop, currently the property of immensely powerful capitalists, will be handed over or sold off cheaply to small shopkeepers. In fact, in the case of the supermarkets, this subdivision could go even further; each individual department within the shop, e.g. the meat department, groceries department etc, could be handed over or sold cheaply to enterprising small shopkeepers, preferably the workers who previously ran them for a mere wage.

This revolutionary restructuring of the retail trade would lead to the breaking up of the power of Big Business and the subsequent establishment of ownership by many ordinary British people.

The wholesale side of trade, however, could not be subdivided in this way. Economies of scale will necessitate that the wholesale trade is done on a much larger scale than that which could be carried out by any enterprise in private hands. Therefore, the wholesale trade will be run by workers' co-operatives.

Specific details of exactly how ownership of the wholesale trade will be transferred from Big Business to newly established workers' co-operatives will be discussed later. First it is necessary to take a more detailed look at the overall role played by workers' co-operatives in the new industrial order.


b) Workers' Co-operatives

The new industrial order will view the establishment of workers' co-operatives as being absolutely crucial to the success of the new system. In fact, co-ops will be the linchpin around which the whole new system will be constructed. Workers' co-operatives represent an ideal system of industrial organisation insofar as they liberate the ordinary British workers from being at the mercy of their capitalist employers, and confer the freedom and incentive of ownership on all. Without this it is simply too materialistic.

The establishment of co-ops will ensure the fulfillment of the Nationalist principle that "industrial ownership should be vested in the hands of as many people as possible" because the basic principle of workers' co-operatives is that they are owned and controlled by the entire work-force.

This principle that the workers should own and control their places of work has some very obvious and very important advantages over the present capitalist system.

Firstly, once a co-op is set up, the root causes of industrial unrest are automatically eliminated. The. workers own the factories they work in so they are hardly going to damage their own property and their own futures by going on strike! It ends the present divisions which exists between capital and labour.

Secondly, a co-operative gives the workers the added incentive which comes from ownership. At the moment, the workers are not too concerned about their places of employment other than collecting their wage-packets. Once a co-op is established though, the workers will actually own their places of employment and, as such, they will obviously take a far more active interest.

Finally, and probably the most important of all the advantages of workers' co-operatives, is that the workers will finally have a real say in their own economic destinies.

Again, once it is established that workers' co-operatives have an important role to play in the new industrial order, it will be useful to look at a practical example of how the ownership of one particular section of the economy – in this case the wholesale trade – could be transferred from the hands of Big Business into the hands of the ordinary workers.

At present, the wholesale trade is almost entirely in the hands of the same super-powerful capitalists who own and control most of the retail trade. Earlier in this chapter we discussed how the retail outlets currently owned by capitalists would be sold off cheaply or handed over to small businessmen. In the case of the wholesale trade, however, the economies of scale arising out of large-scale operation will make ownership by individual businessmen undesirable. Consequently, ownership of the wholesale trade will be transferred from Big Business to the workers themselves.

The members of the wholesale co-operatives will consist, on the one hand of the small retailers who will also be the co-ops' customers and, on the other hand, the wholesale trade workers themselves.

The practical examples, given in this chapter, of how ownership of the retail and wholesale trades will be transferred from the present owners to the new owners, illustrate clearly how the transformation to the new industrial order can be achieved. However, the examples given are of necessity only vague outlines and specific details are not given.

The general principle upon which the new order is to be built though, far from being vague, is very clear and precise: the establishment of individual freedom through widespread ownership and control of industry by as many people as possible.

Once this principle is stated it may sound contradictory that the third form of ownership of the new industrial order will be state-owned concerns. But a closer look at the rationale behind the inclusion of nationalised industries within the new industrial order will show why nationalisation – in a very few instances – is necessary for the wellbeing of all.


c) State-Owned Concerns

It is most definitely NOT the intention of this booklet to propose a policy of widespread 'nationalisation'. In fact, it is a fundamental concept of Nationalist ideology that widespread State-ownership is wholly undesirable.

State control of industry through wholesale nationalisation represents a system of industrial ownership which is no better than the present system. In fact, far from representing an alternative to the present system, state ownership is scarcely any different from capitalist ownership. In both cases industry is controlled by a privileged and very powerful minority, and in both cases the workers are dispossessed of any real control over their economic destinies.

Under one system the controllers of industry are a small number of immensely powerful capitalists. Under the other system the controllers of industry are immensely powerful state bureaucrats.

So the "alternative" to capitalism proffered by Marxism, i.e. a system of widespread state ownership is not any real alternative at all. The system of ownership under communism is fundamentally the same as that under capitalism. In both cases ownership is centralised and the workers are enslaved. It is a 'choice' between State Capitalism and Private Capitalism.

It's as if one slave owner bought a group of slaves from another slave owner. The slaves have a different owner but they are still slaves nonetheless!

However, even if 'nationalisation' is an undesirable method of industrial ownership, there will still be the need for a small number of nationalised concerns – even under the new industrial order.

For instance, the banks and other financial institutions will have to be nationalised. This was discussed at some length in chapter three and is necessary because such institutions become far too powerful when left in private hands.

The exact nature of the banks' fraudulent credit creation system has already been discussed, but it will suffice to say here that financial institutions have too much dangerous power at their finger tips to allow them to remain in the hands of a small number of financial capitalists. Besides this, the issue of credit into the economy – currently controlled by the banks – will have to be controlled by the state.

Other than the nationalisation of banks and other financial institutions, state control will also be necessary in some industries which are very capital intensive. This will be necessary in order to ensure that no individuals become so powerful that they can thereby threaten national sovereignty, and also to ensure that the benefits of such industries are enjoyed by the population as a whole. In many cases, however, municipal ownership by local authorities might be preferable to State ownership.

Capital intensive industries cannot be owned by their workers because the investment per capital within such industries would be far too great. Therefore, if private and co-operative ownership is not conducive to the industrial freedom of the population, the only alternative systems of ownership are 'nationalisation' or 'municipalisation'. In such cases, the profits of these industries will be distributed by the government or local authority in the form of profit-sharing schemes for the employees in such industries in the form of grants and interest free loans to small businessmen and workers' co-operatives.

So 'nationalisation', albeit as a last resort, will be a necessary part of the new industrial order.

This chapter has outlined the basic principles of the new industrial order, and has hopefully illustrated how those principles can be put into practice. This system offers a real alternative to the systems of communism and captialism. It will decentralise and distribute industrial ownership to as many members of the population as possible. And, most importantly, it will restore to each and every worker that which is rightfully his – the freedom to have a real say over his economic destiny, and the freedom to share in the profits which his labour has created.



The freedom to live a happy and spiritually fulfilling life is perhaps the most important freedom of all. After all, what use would all the other freedoms be if the British people were still feeling unhappy and devoid of all spiritual fulfillment?

At the moment, the spiritual side of man is being smothered by the unnatural and dehumanising effects of the liberal-capitalist society. Under the present system every worker is seen merely as a unit of production and consumption. His personality and individuality is sacrificed, and his only "purpose in life" is to make the profits for his financial masters.

An interesting analogy could be made between the present capitalist system and a nest of ants. The worker ants only exist to serve the queen ant. They have no other purpose in life other than toiling for the queen. This they do ceaselessly and tirelessly until they drop dead, at which time they are discarded. Man differs from the ants, however, inasmuch as he needs a spiritual outlet in order to gain inner contentment. If this spirituality is stifled, as it has been under the alien 'culture' of materialism, man becomes discontented and unhappy. This is the case today, the natural spiritual side of man has been smothered and the population feels unhappy and cynical. Their lives lack that something which leads to true fulfillment and contentment. Many may not realise this consciously, but subconsciously they yearn for a real sense of purpose and a real meaning to life.

Once again, the attainment of this social freedom – like the attainment of all the other freedoms discussed in this booklet – can only be achieved by the overthrow of the capitalist system. It is capitalism and the evils that accompany it which have stripped people of their inner contentment, and it is capitalism which has been the obstacle in the way of the British people leading full and healthy lives.

So, if capitalism is once more at the root of the problem, it follows that the inroads already made into the capitalist system by the establishment of other freedoms mentioned earlier in this booklet will also assist in the establishment of social freedom. The racial freedom which will come with the reversion to a monoracial society will lead to a happier populace. Life for many people in the multi-racial inner-cities has become a living hell. The escalating crime rate in these areas has made life unbearable for the law-abiding people who live there.

The financial freedom which will come with the scrapping of the system of debt-finance will also lead to a more contented populace. As explained in chapter three, the British people have been living with the misery of inflation and excessively high taxation for far too long. Once the burden of debt is lifted these evils will be eradicated for ever.

The industrial freedom which will come from the restructuring of industry outlined in the last chapter will result in an even more contented populace. Once ownership of industry is distributed to the nation's workers they will cease to feel dispossessed and alienated from their places of employment. They will at last enjoy all the benefits and incentives which come from ownership.

So the establishment of racial, financial and industrial freedom will automatically lead to increased social freedom.

However, the establishment of these other freedoms won't stop all unemployment in the long term. And of course, no real social freedom can exist while the misery of unemployment remains.

To be sure, the repatriation of Blacks, the scrapping of the debt-finance system and the radical reshaping of British industry will all help to dramatically reduce unemployment. In fact, once these necessary steps have been taken, the curse of unemployment may well be completely wiped out in the short term. Perhaps full employment would be possible under these conditions for twenty years or so; maybe for even longer. Permanent full employment will not be possible, however, unless some really sweeping changes are made at grass roots level regarding our very way of life.

These sweeping changes will be discussed later; but it will suffice to say at the moment that modern technology and progressive automation will make long-term full employment impossible unless some truly revolutionary steps are taken.

As well as not being able to eliminate unemployment in the long-term, the establishment of racial, financial and industrial freedom will not be able to eliminate the soul-destroying boredom experienced by many workers in industry. Many people in Britain are currently being forced to earn their living by doing boring work on conveyer-belt driven production lines. This is the tragedy of increased automation, when labour becomes less interesting and so fails to satisfy the needs of the human spirit.

There is no doubt that most people – if they were given a choice would not choose the soul-destroying work involved in much of manufacturing industry. Yet they are currently forced to endure such boredom in their working lives because, for many, it is their only source of employment.

Surely, two of the premises upon which social freedom is to be based are firstly that everybody is employed and, secondly, that everybody is reasonably contented in that employment. Therefore, if real social freedom is to be enjoyed, the populace will not only require long-term full employment, but they will require employment which will give them a sense of job satisfaction and achievement. This may seem a very tall order – even an impossible one – but it can be done.



Ultimately, the primary cause of long-term unemployment and widespread boredom is the growth of automation in industry. This growth of automation will, in the not too distant future, cause a real dilemma which will need to be resolved if lasting social freedom is to be attained.

The dilemma caused by automation is that either more automation will inevitably lead to more unemployment or more automation will lead to more boredom at work. This dilemma will become more profound as time passes and as industry becomes fully automated. And of course, it will have to be resolved if more widespread unemployment and even more boredom is to be avoided.

Possibly the first and most natural reaction to the dilemma would be a mistrust and dislike of automation. This would result in the development of neo-luddite attitudes amongst the workers, who would justifiably look upon the machine as the enemy which threatens their livelihood and their future. Such attitudes would be entirely understandable and could be condoned if there was no alternative course of action. However, there is an alternative which would retain the benefits of automation without the resultant miseries of unemployment and boredom. This course of action will require a fundamental change in outlook towards what the exact purpose of automation and technology in industry actually is.

At the moment, mechanisation and technological development are seen as ends in themselves. Automation has become the sacred cow and nothing, not even the welfare of man himself, must be allowed to hinder the march of 'progress'. This attitude was aptly described in 1925 by G.K. Chesterton: "Machinery is now being used to produce numberless things that nobody needs. Machinery is being used to produce more machinery, to be used for the production of things that nobody needs. Machinery is being used to produce very badly things that everybody wants produced very well".

Needless to say, this dominion of the Machine described by Chesterton in 1925 has worsened considerably since then. Today man has well and truly become the servant and the Machine has become the master. It is this subservience to machinery which is at the root of the problem. Man must become the master and technological advance must serve his best interests. Once this change in attitude has come about, the Machine will liberate mankind instead of enslaving him.



So how can all the benefits of automation be maintained without either unemployment or boredom? And how can the British worker achieve the contentment and spiritual fulfillment which will come with his social liberation?

This can be done, but only after some really revolutionary changes are made in the very structure of the British lifestyle. At the moment, as discussed earlier, man is subjected to a mode of life which is utterly unsuited to the development, of a truly contented people. He is exploited mercilessly by the super-rich barons of industry who use human labour in the interests of their own personal riches and power. In order to do this they transform men into profit machines which have the sole purpose of producing and consuming their products.

Under the present capitalist system, man is deprived of the two very things which are absolutely crucial to his spiritual wellbeing. Firstly, he is deprived of any control over his economic destiny. Capitalism is, by its very nature, extremely centralist, so that the owners of industry are few in number and extremely powerful whilst the employees of industry are many in number and extremely powerless. Secondly, he is deprived of any real contact with Nature of which he is an integral part. Capitalism, partly because of its tendency to centralise the labour populations into massive urban communities and partly because of its exploitative and dehumanising effects on the labour force, has led to people living unnatural and unhealthy existences.

What is needed then is a mode of life which will give people real control over their destinies within a natural and healthy environment. Such a mode of life can only come about after the population has been decentralised both in a geographic and an economic sense.

Decentralisation in an economic sense has already been discussed to a degree in the chapter on industrial freedom. The establishment of an economy based upon small privately owned enterprises and workers' co-operatives will lead to people having far more say in their economic destinies.

Geographical decentralisation has not been discussed, however, even though it will be absolutely essential to the achievement of social freedom.

Urban life has a dehumanising effect on the populations who live in the massive towns and cities. They are separated from, and consequently alienated from, those things which are natural and they are subjected to an artificial life-style which is based upon the shoddy and the mass-produced. In short, urban life is harmful to the fulfillment of the human spirit. Such a life-style is unnatural, and anything which is unnatural is automatically unhealthy also.

Perhaps the development of the human spirit can be likened to the growth of a plant. The strength of a plant, and the quality of its flowers or fruit, are determined by the soil it grows in, the amount of rain and sunshine it receives. The character of a people is similarly formed by many influences, genetic, physical and spiritual. A rose will still be a rose whatever the soil or whatever the weather, but whether it grows strong and healthy or becomes withered and drooping will depend very much upon the influence of these things.

Thus it is with the British people. They will retain their unique genetic inheritance regardless of the social conditions under which they live. However, whether that genetic inheritance will be allowed to express itself and attain its spiritual fulfillment will depend very much upon the environment within which it lives. This being the case, it follows that man should be allowed to live in a natural environment which will be conducive to the development of the human spirit. Consequently, man must abandon the confinements of urban life and should re-establish his links with nature and the land.

Geographic decentralisation will therefore require the migration of a large proportion of the urban populations into newly established rural and semi-rural communities. What will be needed in fact is a reversal of the disastrous migration to the cities which commenced with the advent of the industrial revolution.

Obviously not everybody will want to live in the rural communities and those people wishing to remain in the cities can of course do so. In fact, urban communities will still be necessary even though they will be fewer in number and smaller in size. Ideally though, the mass of the populace should live in small rural communities which will strive for self-sufficiency in the fundamental necessities of life. Such communities will fulfill the needs of the human spirit because the people will have real control and a real say in their domestic affairs and they will once more establish their relationship with the land and with the natural things in life.

All communities should become as economically independent as possible and to this end, as well as fulfilling the spiritual needs, they must strive to fulfill all the material needs of those people living within them. This could be achieved relatively easily; a large proportion of people will be employed in the growing of food, others will become the local shopkeepers and still others will act as the local craftsmen e.g. carpenters, plumbers etc. Consequently, men will be able to live natural and healthy lives without the alienation caused by life in the cities and without the soul-destroying boredom of working on factory production lines. They will also enjoy a real degree of job satisfaction because production will be on a small scale. The farmer and the craftsman alike will be able to look at the product of his labour and feel proud of his personal achievement. This differs immensely from the situation in urban factories, where division of labour and mass production means that nobody can truly feel any personal sense of achievement with the finished product.

So these small communities will become as self-sufficient as possible as regards the simple fundamentals of life. However, they will obviously not be capable of producing those products which require high technology in their production, e.g. washing machines, cookers, telephones etc. This brings us back to the earlier point about "the benefits of automation being maintained without either unemployment or boredom". Quite simply, factories deployed in the production of high-technology products will become totally automated. This will mean that the workforce will be free to leave the boredom of the shop-floor in order to live a more fulfilling life in the rural communities. At the same time, all the high technology products needed by the community can still be produced with the minimum of labour costs.

These totally automated factories will be so heavily capital intensive that they will have to be either municipalised or nationalised. This is in keeping with the principles relating to the restructuring of industrial ownership outlined in chapter four. Their 'profits' can be distributed amongst the population in the form of a national dividend payment (see chapter three). This will give the people the money they need to buy the high-technology goods produced by the factories.

Only a skeleton staff will be required to keep these automated production lines running and the rest of the labour force will finally be liberated from the drudgery of factory employment. Thus the automation of industry will at last be used in the service of the people generally, instead of it being used to throw workers onto the dole.



Previous chapters in this booklet have discussed how inflation will be eradicated completely and how taxation will be reduced to a fraction of what it is presently. It was also seen that the establishment of racial, industrial and financial freedom would lead to the drastic reduction and possibly even the complete elimination of unemployment in the short term. The establishment of social freedom, however, will solve the problem of unemployment in the long term.

Under the ruralist system described in this chapter, unemploy ment will cease to exist altogether because agricultural work and craftsmanship are permanent self-sustaining occupations. Furthermore, not only will long term full employment be achieved, but – far more importantly – those employed within the rural communities will be far more satisfied and contented in their jobs.

So the social liberation of the British worker will lead not just to his economic and financial security but, above all, it will lead to his spiritual fulfillment. And, at long last, the British worker will work in harmony with, instead of in competition with, the natural environment within which he lives.

Man lives in closer union with the earth than he realises and he must rediscover its needs and unselfishly try to fulfill them. Capitalist production ruthlessly exploits the earth's natural resources in the same way as it exploits human labour, and this savage rape of Nature can only be detrimental to the long term welfare of mankind.

The New Order will be based upon the fact that man is not at war with nature but an integral part of it. Our mother Earth has been exploited for far too long, and no organism can live forever without nourishment. The nurture we give will be to our mutual benefit, and the resulting interaction between men and earth which will come with the New Order must produce a much needed harmony. In the long run, this is the only way in which men can not only survive, but flourish and develop.




The freedom of individual countries to enjoy self-government without foreign interference is a fundamental principle of Nationalist ideology. In fact it will be impossible to establish any of the other freedoms discussed earlier unless this national freedom is restored first. And once again it is the immoral capitalist system which is the main obstacle to the attainment of national freedom.

The natural monopolising tendency of capitalism has been, discussed in earlier chapters, and it is this which has been responsible for the erosion of national sovereignty. This tendency to centralise ownership into the hands of fewer and fewer people has led to a situation today where super-rich capitalists have outgrown the limitations of national boundaries. Consequently, many capitalist concerns have become international in both operation and influence.

What has happened is that the big fish of industry and finance have been allowed to eat up all the small fish. As a result, the big fish have grown into enormous industrial and financial sharks which are now big enough and powerful enough to threaten the very existence of individual nation states. International banking institutions and multinational corporations are now far more powerful than most national governments and they are extremely hostile to the very principle of national sovereignty. This hostility is due to the fact that individual nation states present an obstacle in the way of international capitalism insofar as they hinder the maximisation of profits.

In order to achieve the ultimate power, efficiency and profits, these capitalists will require the international free movement of labour, goods and capital. This of course will not be possible whilst the world is divided up into separate nations. Consequently, the long-term co-existence of both international capitalism and independent nations is not possible. Individual nations – if they wish to maintain their independence – must break international capitalism's grip on their economies. If they fail to do this they will become completely subservient to the economic power wielded by international Big Business. Therefore, one of the necessary steps on the road to national liberation will be the expropriation of all internationally owned industrial and commercial concerns. This is in keeping with the principles governing the ownership of industry within a Nationalist society i.e. that "ownership shall be vested solely in the hands of British people". Some of these internationally owned concerns will then become workers' co-operatives; some of them will be sub-divided into very small privately-owned units, others will be municipalised and the rest will be nationalised. This will be done according to the principles outlined in chapter four.



The basic principle that self-government must be enjoyed by the British people without foreign interference was stated at the beginning of this chapter. However, full self-government will only be achieved when Britain gains political independence as well as the economic independence which will come with the expropriation of internationally owned concerns. To this end Britain must renounce all of its commitments to the capitalist West and must take up a position of armed neutrality.

At the moment, Britain is pledged – through its membership of organisations like NATO and the EEC – to defend the capitalist West from the "threat" of the communist East. Such a pledge is harmful to the establishment of national freedom in the first instance because it commits Britain to defending an international bloc of countries when the primary aim of a truly independent nation should be to defend itself alone. However, it is harmful in the second instance because the capitalist West is no more worthy of defending than is the communist East. Under both systems all the real power, ownership, wealth and control is centralised in the hands of a few, while the mass of the workers remain dispossessed and powerless. In the West the power is in the hands of capitalist bosses, while in the East it is in the hands of Party bosses. Under neither system is there any real freedom for the workers who form the vast majority of the population. Therefore, it will be one of the prime objectives of a Nationalist Government to sever all links with the capitalist West. To this end, Britain would be withdrawn from NATO, the Common Market and any other international groupings which are pledged to defend the evil system of capitalism. Once this is done and Britain has asserted her neutrality and independence, a whole new approach to foreign relations will be required.



It would be pointless to propound a detailed and meticulously structured foreign policy within the pages of this book. World affairs are evolving all the time and any specific details may well be outdated by the time a Nationalist Government has the opportunity to implement them. However, the overall purpose of any foreign policy would be to preserve national sovereignty and the basic principles upon which this would be based will not change.

A brief outline of these principles is given here.


i. An Armed Neutrality.

It's already been stated that Britain must withdraw from NATO and assert neutrality. But the withdrawal from NATO will not mean an undefended Britain. On the contrary, a neutral Britain would need to defend itself from all hostile nations, be they capitalist or communist. It is just as possible that a Nationalist Britain could find herself under attack from the alien capitalism of Wall Street as from the tyrannical Marxism of the Kremlin. Bearing this in mind, a Nationalist Government would have to build up the country's defences to ensure that Britain's new found freedom is not lost. The armed forces must be strengthened in order to deter all possible aggressors.

ii. A Non-Aggressive Neutrality.

Although a Nationalist Government would strengthen Britain's armed forces in order to protect the New Order from any possible foreign attack, non-aggression towards other nations would be a fundamental principle of Nationalist foreign policy. A Nationalist Government would have no imperialistic claims over other nations. It would respect the national sovereignty of other countries as it would expect those countries to respect the national sovereignty of Britain.

iii. Self-Sufficiency And International Trade.

It's already been stated in earlier chapters that a Nationalist Britain would strive for complete self-sufficiency in the basic necessities of life. However, this self-sufficiency will not negate the need for an element of international trade. Britain will seek to export any manufactured goods which are surplus to the needs of the British people. At the same time imports will be needed of those things which can't be produced by the British people themselves. Such things as coffee, tea, tropical fruits and raw materials for manufacturing industry will fall into this category of goods which will need to be imported. However, the need to achieve maximum self-sufficiency and the need to protect the home market will be seen as being of primary importance, while the conducting of international trade will be seen very much as secondary. Consequently, severe restrictions on trade will be necessary if the other freedoms mentioned in this book are to be maintained. The only trade which will be allowed will be that which doesn't affect either Britain's self-sufficiency or Britain's home market.

So the purpose of all foreign policy in the New Order will be the maintenance and preservation of national sovereignty i.e. national freedom. No other considerations will be taken into account in the conducting of this foreign policy other than the preservation of national sovereignty, because the maintenance of national freedom is a necessary prerequisite for the maintenance of all the other freedoms discussed earlier. After all, what's the use of arranging the furniture within the house to one's liking before the house itself has a roof on it? Once Britain has achieved her national freedom she can then concentrate on achieving all the other freedoms which are necessary for the wellbeing and contentment of her subjects.







Previous chapters of this booklet have endeavoured to show how the British people have been dispossessed of their freedom. It has illustrated how true freedom, as opposed to the phoney freedoms currently being propagated, entails having real control over one's own destiny.

However, none of the previous chapters have shown how the present tyranny in which we live can be overthrown or, for that matter, how the New Order which we desire can be established. It would take a whole new book to go into this question properly, but the basic principles involved can be mentioned briefly. After all, the discussion of lost freedom and the desire for its re-establishment would be a futile and pointless exercise unless real efforts were made to fight the enemies of freedom and to overthrow their despotism. Ideas on paper are all very well, but unless they are the inspiration and motivation for action they may as well not have been written in the first place.

The two major principles involved in the fight for freedom in the future can best be summed up in two much-used and very apt clichés; namely "Know Thine Enemy" and "Unity Is Strength".

The phrase "Know Thine Enemy" must become a watchword in the struggles ahead simply because the main enemies of freedom cannot be fought unless they have first been correctly identified This seems an obvious statement to make but its importance cannot be stressed too strongly. Unless the real enemies of freedom are known right from the start all subsequent actions will be completely futile and ultimately fruitless. This can be seen when it is considered how some people are concerned with fighting the trade unions or, on the other extreme, with fighting small businessmen and small-time entrepreneurs.

Those people who seek to make trade unions or small businesses the scapegoats for all the nation's ills are dangerous and ill-informed demagogues. Their actions only serve to divert attention from the real enemies of national sovereignty and freedom.

The real power in Britain today lies with the multi-nationals, international finance and the forces of international Zionism. It is against these forces alone that our efforts should be directed because in the final analysis, our future freedom depends on their defeat.

While enormous industrial and financial concerns are able to manipulate our nation and our lives, through the control they wield over the economy in which we live, we will never be allowed to attain the freedom for which we strive. It is they who are responsible for the mass migration of cheap immigrant labour into our midst. It is they who are responsible for the debt-burden which we are forced to carry and the wage-slavery we are forced to endure at the hands of the capitalist economic system.

It is true that there are other powerful enemies ranged against us, and these too will have to be dealt with, but all the enemies of freedom ultimately owe their allegience to and are knowingly or unknowingly working in collusion with the really Big Boys of international power politics. Therefore, it is absolutely imperative that we know exactly who the enemy is so that we can direct all our efforts into fighting him and his agents without wasting valuable time fighting the irrelevant small-fry.

The second fundamental principle which must guide us in the struggles ahead can be summed up in the phrase "Unity Is Strength". This is necessary because of the need for united action on the part of the defenders of freedom to become organised for the trials which they will surely face in the years ahead.

This principle was applied by Corneliu Codreanu, a Rumanian Nationalist leader, who saw correctly that unity of effort within an organisation could only come through discipline. He wrote back in the 1930's that "discipline is the guarantee of success for it ensures the unity of effort. There is no victory without unity; and there is no unity without discipline".

In other words the strength which comes through unity can only be found within the framework of a highly disciplined organisation. Once such an organisation has been established, and its real enemies pinpointed, the first tentative steps can be taken down the road which leads to national, racial and social liberation.

The road ahead will be paved with many hardships which will try us to the limits of our endurance. There will be no soft options because our enemies are powerful and they will not surrender their international positions of influence without a fight. We will have to be strong enough for that fight or else doomed to accept the fate of eternal enslavement to the powers of financial and industrial capitalism.

Indeed, it is much easier to map out the road ahead than to actually travel down it. But travel down it we must because it is our duty to establish freedom for all the generations yet unborn. We have a duty to them and to all our ancestors. As Racial Nationalists we see ourselves as merely links in the chain, linking our ancestors who fought for our national freedom in the past with our descendants who will fight for it in the future.

As such, we must be prepared to sacrifice all in the fight for freedom. We must work fearlessly and tirelessly against the immensely powerful forces which are ranged against us. We must not flinch in the face of the struggles ahead and if we have to lose our own happiness, liberty or lives as a price for fighting these enemies, then that's a price we must be prepared to pay.

We must be prepared to forsake our freedom so that future generations of British people can enjoy all the freedoms we've been denied.

As British people living in a multi-racial capitalist Britain during the 1980's we may have been born into slavery. But as enlightened Racial Nationalists engaged in a life and death struggle we are also the sons and daughters of freedom!